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Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  i:TKffT 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14SS0 

(716)  •72-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


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CIHIVI/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


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12X                            16X                            20X                            24X                            28X                            32X 

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Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
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filming  contract  spacifications. 


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da  la  nattatA  da  l'axamplaira  fiimA,  at  9n 
conformitA  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 


Original  copias  in  printed  papar  covars  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  copias  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
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or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shf  II  contain  tha  symbol  —^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Les  axamplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvarture  an 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmAs  en  commeni;ant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darniAre  paga  qui  comporta  una  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  p;ir  la  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axemplairas 
originaux  sont  filmAs  an  commen^ant  par  la 
premiAre  paga  qui  comporta  una  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  darniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — '^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Meps,  plates,  cherts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  rAduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  il  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

?p 


SPEECH 


OP 


HON.  R.  CHAPMAN,  OF  ALABAMA, 

ON    THE 
BILL    TO    PROTETT    THE   EIGHTS    or 

AMERICAN  SETTLERS  IN  OREGON. 

•  DELIVERKR 

IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  APRIL  17,  184G. 


The  Ho\ise  beins^  in  Committoe  of  the  Whole  on 
ilie  ^^Ult«!  of  the  Union,  fin  tlie  Hill  to  protect  the 
rijjhis  of  Anierictm  settlers  in  Oregon — 

Mr.  CHAPMAN  addressed  the  committee  a.s 
follovv.s : 

Mr.  Chairman' :  I  rise  this  morning;  under  aome 
emharrnssment  to  address  the  committee  on  this 
subject,  when  the  present  state  of  feeling  among 
members  on  this  floor,  in  consequence  of  recent 
events  which  have  taken  place  in  the  other  end  of 
the  Capitol,  upon  another,  though  no  more  im- 
portant branch  of  the  same  subject,  is  quite  unfa- 
vorable to  a  patient  hearing.  The  passage  of  the 
notice  in  the  Senate,  since  our  last  adjournment, 
though  not  in  the  form  wc  sent  it  from  this  House, 
has  sonicwhat  changed  tne  question  now  before  us. 
I  should  not  atteinpt  to  address  the  committee  at 
all,  if  it  were  not  for  the  peculiar  po.sition  I  find 
myself  in,  owing  to  the  course  I  felt  it  my  duty  to 
pursue  heretofore  on  this  subject.  T  was  one  of 
only  three  of  the  parly  to  which  I  belong,  who 
voted  at  the  last  session  of  Congress  against  a  bill 
similar,  in  some  respects,  though  worse  in  many 
respects,  than  the  present  liiil  a.s  it  has  been  re- 
ported from  the  Committee  on  Territories.  I  might 
plead  in  justification  of  the  course  I  pursued  on  that 
occasion,  my  re-election  since,  from  the  district  I 
have  the  honor  to  represent;  but  it  would  be  im- 
proper for  me  to  justify  myself  oiY  that  ground,  in  • 
asmucli  as  the  question  that  has  since  occupied 
so  much  of  the  ))ublic  mind,  was  not  agitated  at 
all  during  that  canvass.  I  claim,  therefore,  no 
.sanction  trom  my  constituents  by  my  subsequent 
re-election,  for  the  course  I  fell  it  my  duty  to  pursue 
on  this  subject  prior  to  that  election.  I  place  my 
election  upon  other  grounds — upon  the  ground  of 
generous  confidence — by  their  approval  of  my 
course  as  their  Representative  for  many  years. 

I  consider,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  this  is  n  question 
of  immense  magnitude;  one  that  involves  either 
immediately  or  remotely  the  question  of  peace  or 
vnr  between  two  of  the  most  powerful  nations  on 


the  face  of  the  globe — two  nations,  whose  com- 
bined trade  and  commerce  throughout  the  world 
Eerhaps  exceeds  that  of  all  the  other  Powers  com- 
ined.  All  questions,  therefore,  involving  the  re- 
lations between  such  nations  ought  to  be  well  con- 
sidered. Hasty  and  intemperate  action,  as  well  as 
angry  and  incautious  expressions  by  speakers  and 
the  press,  ought  to  be  avoided. 

I  foresaw  at  the  commencement  of  this  session  of 
Congress  that  there  was  likely  to  be  great  indis- 
cretion in  the  declarations  of  opinions  upon  this  all- 
important  subject;  and  when  the  Message  of  the 
President  was  read,  it  will  be  remembered  that,  in 
order  to  aft'ord  all  an  opportunity  to  weigh  well  and 
consider  what  was  proper  to  say  and  do,  before 
they  had  hastily  committed  themselves  upon  this 
question,  I  took  the  earliest  occasion  to  call  the 
previous  question  on  printing  the  Message.  To 
those  who  have  observed  the  character  of  most  of 
the  speeches  since,  the  necessity  for  that  precau- 
tion will  be  sufficiently  manifest. 

I  have  regretted,  Mr.  Chairman,  deeply  regret- 
ted, the  attempt  made,  in  the  discussion  on  the 
notice  resolutions,  to  make  this  Oregon  question  a 
sectional  one,  and  to  give  it  a  party  character.  I 
am  sure,  sir,  that  if  there  is  any  question  that  can 
be  agitated  in  Congress  that  ought  to  be  divested 
of  all  party  or  sectional  character,  it  is  this.  I  do 
think  that  gentlemen  who  claim  it  as  a  party  or 
sectional  question,  forfeit  much  of  their  character 
for  that  patriotism,  the  want  of  which  they  charge 
upon  others.  Ifwc  cannot  be  united  upon  ques- 
tions concerning  our  foreign  relations,  upon  what 
question  shall  we  be  ? 

It  has  also  been  charged  here,  and  perhaps  in 
the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  that  there  was  an  ob- 
ligation upon  the  southern  portion  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  to  vote  for  all  measures  in  relation  to 
Oregon,  without  examining  further,  because  those 
composing  the  same  party  from  other  sections, 
particularly  from  the  West,  had  presented  an  un- 
divided front,  or  very  nearly  so,  upon  another 
question,  which  they  are  pleased  to  call  a  eoutherit 


2 


I 


question — ih«  Rnnpxation  of  Texas.     Tliev  say 
ihtre  wa.H  an  aijri'enif'iu  of  that  son — iinpliPil,  at  i 
leiiHl — the  Bubstance  of  which  thev  foiitciKl  was  ! 
Rlipulated  in  the  resolutions  of  the  Baltimore  Con-  I 
venlion  in  favor  of  the  reannexation  of  Texan,  and  ; 
the  reoccupation  of  Orego7i — licin  sisters  in  the  Demo- 
cratic creed.     Mr.  Chairman,  for  one  individual,  I  } 
did  not  admit  any  such  obligation;  I  deny  any  ^ 
Buch  agreement.     Not  having  the  fear  of  the  lial-  ' 
timore  resolutions  before  my  eyes,  l)ut  having  a  . 
fear — a  well-grounded  fear — of  the  evils  oontained  '. 
in  the  bill  on  this  .subject  at  the  la.st  sttision  of  Con- 
{jress,  and  the  mischief  that  would  certainly  have 
followed  its  passage,  I  took  upon  myself  the  re- 
sponsibility of  voting  against  it,  and  in  so  lean  a 
minority.     Subsequent  reflection  and  examination 
have  convinced  me  that  I  did  right.     In  this  opin- 
ion I  am  fully  sustained  by  the  President  in  his 
Message;  for,  instead  of  recommending  such  a 
bill  as  that  was,  he  very  plainly  adrntniishes  you 
that  it  contained  provisions  inconsistent  with  the 
obligations  of  the  treaty  of  1827. 

I  say  it  has  been  charged  that  there  was  an  ob- 
ligation incurred,  bv  the  course  of  wcRleni  gentle- 
men in  relation  to  Texas,  that  Eouthern  members 
must  "go  it  blind  for  Oregon."  Why,  do  iu)t 
gentlemen  see  that  there  are  two  sides  to  this  ques- 
tion- that  if  any  obligation  of  that  sort  was  in- 
curred, it  was  not  such  an  obligation  as,  according 
to  the  laws  regulating  good  morals,  and  the  course 
of  free  and  unbiased  representation,  could  be  en- 
forced; and  that  while  they  convict  others  of  bad 
faith  for  following  the  dictates  of  their  own  judg- 
ment and  sense  of  duty,  they  convict  tliemsehes 
of  worse  motives?  Because,  if  they  make  out  a 
case  of  bad  faith  against  southern  gentlemen  for 
not  voting  for  Oregon  in  consideration  of  their  hav- 
ing voted  for  Texas,  they  say  at  once  that  they 
voted  for  Texas,  not  for  any  merits  in  the  ques- 
tion, but  becaii.se  of  the  bargain.  We  heard  noth- 
ing of  tliis  charge  last  year,  when  the  Itargain,  if 
any  such  ever  was  made,  was  more  easily  estab- 
lished than  now;  perhaps  it  was  not  necessary  to 
iirce  it  then,  as  there  wero.  oidy  three  Democrats 
who  at  that  time  opposed  the  Oregon  bill.  But  the. 
annexation  of  Texas  was  not  urged  as  a  southern 
or  as  a  party  measure  by  its  friends:  it  was  pressed 
ns  a  national  measure,  the  success  of  which  was 
to  advance  the  interests  and  prosiierity  of  every 
portion  of  the  Union.  In  its  final  accomplishment, 
jio  treaty  stipulations  were  violated;  no  injustice 
done  to  any  third  Power.  The  subject  was  one 
that  concerned  alone  the  United  ^States  and  Texas. 
The  people  of  both  countries  desired  the  annex- 
ation, and  it  was  passed — passed,  tt)o,  under  reso- 
lutions drawn  up  by  a  Whig;  and  no  one  objected 
on  that  account.  So  it  was  not  made  a  party 
measure,  after  all.  The  interest  and  prosperity 
of  the  Union — the  whole  Union,  including  Texas — 
liave  been  advanced  by  the  annexation;  and  if  any 
part  of  the  Union  has  been  more  benetiled  by  the 
measure  than  another,  it  is  the  western  States; 
because  n  new  and  extensive  market  has  been 
opened  to  them  for  the  vast  productions  of  their 
fertile  country. 

I  trust,  then,  we  shall  hear  no  more  charges  on 
account  of  Texas  obligations  from  western  gen- 
tlemen. 

1  have  said  that  this  is  a  question  of  much  mo- 
ment— the  great  meiusure  of  this  Administration, 


and  the  most  important  now  before  the  public. 
The  history  of  it  is  (juite  peculiar.  Until  within  a 
few  years  past,  it  had  been  but  little  figitaied  among 
the  people,  although  it  has  for  nearly  half  a  cen- 
tury been  a  sul)jecl  most  eml)arrassing  with  our 
Executive,  and  our  nei^otiator.s  at  London.  Be- 
cause of  the  difficullies  of  the  conflicting  claims  of 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  which  could 
not  be  amicalily  nd justed,  the  two  Powers  agreed, 
from  time  to  time,  to  hold  the  territory,  .so  far  as 
its  occupation  was  concerned,  in  common,  leaving 
the  title  in  abeyance.  This  arrangement,  when 
made,  was  deemed  advantageou.s  to  both  Govern- 
ments; and,  until  within  the  lasteight  or  ten  years, 
no  inconvenience  resulted  from  it,  because  we  had 
very  few  citizens  in  the  terrriU)ry  to  claim  the  pro- 
tection of  our  Goverinnent;  the  subjects  of  Great 
Britain  who  were  there  had,  under  thei;  chaiter 
from  the  Crown,  amj>le  authority  to  govern  then- 
selves,  and  protect  themselves  from  th"  attacks  of 
the  Indians  while  carrying  on  their  business  as 
traders  with  them. 

About  ei;rht  years  ago  onr  citizens  commenced 
settling  in  Oregon,  and  they  now  far  outnumber 
the  British;  they  have  increased  tt  some  eight  o: 
ten  thousand,  and  claim  the  protection  of  our  laws 
Thus  the  necessity  for  a  settlement  of  the  question 
of  title  has  become  more  and  more  urgent.  The 
suiiject  was  several  times  brought  before  Congres.^ 
prior  to  tiie  last  session,  but  no  proposition  was 
ever  seriously  urged,  1  believe,  until  then,  to  dis- 
.solve  the  convention  with  Great  Britain.  At  that 
session  we  were  officially  informed  that  negotia- 
tions, with  a  view  to  the  settlement  of  the  ([iiestion 
of  title,  was  going  on,  and  we  had  every  a.ssurance 
that  there  was  a  lair  prospect  of  a  favorableresuh. 
Nevertheless,  a  bill  was  introduced  and  passed  this 
House,  establishing  a  .separate  territorial  govern- 
ment in  that  territory  up  to  the  utmost  claim  we 
have — 54^  40' — with  ])rovisions  even  stronger  than 
the  bill  now  before  us  contains,  and  containing  a 
section  requiring  tlie  President  to  give  notice  of  the 
abiogation  of  the  convention;  so  that  at  the  end  of 
twelve  months  British  sulijects  there  were  to  come 
immediately  under  our  laws,  and  liable  to  be  ex- 
pelled the  country.  .  Against  that  bill  I  voted;  and 
against  such  a  bill  I  presume  there  are  scarcely 
any  members  nowhere  who  would  not  vote,  ai- 
thoueh  the  circumstances  now  would  much  better 
justify  such  a  measure  than  as  they  then  existed. 

The  objection  to  that  bill  did  not  consist  alone  in 
the  amendment  offered  and  adopted  just  bet'ore  th<: 
vote  was  taken,  providing  for  giving  the  notice  of 
the  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy,  against 
which  almost  the  entire  Democratic  fiarty  voted. 
There  were  other  objections — ail  that  are.  to  be 
found  in  this  bill,  and  more  than  my  time  will  al- 
low me  to  point  out.  That  bill  failed  in  the  Senate, 
and  the  negotiation  went  on  here,  between  the 
Briti.<-'h  Minister  and  this  Government.  The  dis- 
closures made  by  the  President,  in  his  Message 
to  the  present  Congress  on  this  subject,  opened  a 
new  and  most  important  chapter  to  us.  Instead 
of  a  favorable  jn'ospect  of  an  amicable  settlement 
of  the  vexed  question  by  negotiation,  he  told  us 
that,  after  repeated  efTorts,  all  prospect  of  termi- 
nating the  controversy  in  that  way  had  failed,  and 
that  "  no  compromise  which  the  United  States 
ought  to  accept  can  be  elTected."  He  disclosed  to 
us  another  very  important  fact,  that  in  the  course 


I 


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)f  the  question 
urgent.  The 
;fore  Congres.^ 
•oposition  was 
1  then,  to  diii- 
tain.  At  that 
that  ntgotic\- 
>f  the  (|i'ieslion 
ery  n.ssuranot' 
vorabh;  result, 
.ndpawsed  ihi.s 
toriiil  govern- 
[iiost  claim  we 
I  s'tronger  tliaii 

I  containing  a 
e  notice  of  tlic 
t  at  the  end  nC 

were  to  come 
able  to  be  ex- 

II  I  voted;  anil 
?  are,  scarcely 

not  vote,  ai- 
i  much  bettor 
then  existed, 
onaist  alone  in 
just  before  the 
;  the  notice  of 
:iiicy,  against 
•  fiarty  voted, 
hat  ar(!  to  bu 
/  time  will  a!- 
in  the  Senate, 

between  the 
nt.     The  di^'- 

lu's  Message 
ject,  opened  a 
I  us.  Instead 
Ac  settlement 
n,  he  told  us 
)ect  of  termi- 
ad  failed,  and 
[Jnited  States 
e  disclosed  to 
in  the  course 


r^♦■  the  negotiation ,"  in  deference  nlone  to  what 
♦  had  been  done  by  his  predecessors,  and  the  im- 
'  plied  obligation  which  tiieir  acts  seemed  to  im- 
'  pose,"  he  had  proposed  to  the  British  Miii'ster 
ii  settle  the  question  in  dispute  by  dividing  the 
territory  at  flie  4!)lh  jiarallel  of  lalitude.  This  most 
liberal  o(Terv^•as, however,  refused  byGreat  Briuiin, 
and  afterwards  withdrawn  by  our  Go\ernment. 
Thus  the  negotiation  was  found  by  us  at  the  meet- 
ing of  Congress. 

The  impropriety  of  going  into  an  investigation 
of  the  tUle  to  this  territory,  when  that  is  the  sub- 
ject of  dispute  between  the  two  countries,  (and  I 
nope  still  of  ncgotiaUon  also,)  must,  be  obvious  to 
iiiy  one,  unless  confined  to  our  side  of  the  ques- 
tion, and   then   it  ceases   to  be  free  discussion. 
Nearly  every  one  who  has  spoken  on  this  ques- 
tion atlmits  the  impolicy  of  debating  the  title,  and 
still  I   have  scarcely  observed  one  who  has  not 
(•ommitted  himself  upon  it.     This  has  been  the 
cnnse  of  a  great  deal  of  feelinij  here,  and  has  pre- 
judiced negotiation.     Our  speeches,  especially  if 
they  favor  the   British  claim,  are  freely  published 
and  circulated   on    the  other  side  of  the  water, 
where  the  defects  in  our  title  and  our  divisions  at 
home  are  thus  exposed.     It  is  said,  however,  that 
it  is  necessary  to  expose  the  weakness  of  our  claim 
vif  it  is  weak)  to  the  extent  contended  for  by  jome, 
lest  an  erroneous  state  of  pu  'ic  opinion  may  be 
created.     This  evil  may  be  ii    >ided,    however, 
by  other  modes,  without  runnii      into  the  other 
extreme  of  making  such  congressional  speeches. 
This  objection  may  be  obviated  by  addresses  to  the 
people  dircctltj,  giving  our  views  on  the  subject  of 
the  title,  without,  adopting  the  usual  course  of  ma- 
king Congress  the  vehicle  for  conveying  our  opin- 
ions on  the  subject  to  the  country.     Congressional 
debates,  however  obscure  the  speakert.  are  here,  are 
all  read  in  such  foreign  countries  as  feel  an  interest 
in  the  subject.     They  are  read  there  as  authorities 
against  us,  as  've  read  here  speeches  made  in  Par- 
liament, as  evidence  against  the  Britisli  claim.     I 
have  thought,  and  so  must  all  whu  will  examine 
the  able  arguments  of  our  present  and  late  Secreta- 
ries of  State  in  favor  of  our  title,  thai  we  may  safely 
rest  our  case  in  such  hands.     I  have  considered  it 
a  great  misfortune   that  circumstances  rendered  it 
necessary  to  bring  this  question  before  Congress, 
because  of  the  imj iroprietica  that  have  been  alluded 
to.   Cluestions  touching  our  foreign  relations  ought 
always  to  be  cautiously  handled;  they  are  much 
fsafer  with  the  Executive  branch  of  the  Govern- 
ment than  with  Congress.      For  one,  while  I  am 
as  far  as  any  one  here  from  such  influences,  I  be- 
lieve it  to  be  my  duty  to  sustain  the  President  in 
c^irrying  out  his  views  upon  such  questions,  when 
I  can  do  so  without  a  violation  of  my  principles. 
On  the  present  occasion,  I  am  free  to  say,  without 
intending  to  commit  the  error  I  have  deprecated  in 
others  by  examining  the  title,  that  1  heartily  ap- 
prove of  the  President's  course  in  offering  the  com- 
f)romise  he  did.     He  has  been,  as  I  sincerely  be- 
ieve,  most  unjustly  censured  for  not  making  known 
upon  what  terms,  or  at  what  line  he  would  or 
would  not  settle  this  question.      If  gentlemen  will 
reflect  upon  the  duties  of  the  President,  they  may 
rack  their  brains  in  speculating  as  to  what  he  will 
do — they  may  work  themselves  into  a  desperate 
]>a8sion,  because  this  or  that  is  likely  to  be  adopt- 
ed ;  but  they  can  never  blame  him  for  refusing  to 


publish  his  views.  If,  as  I  have  shown,  the  wordy, 
and  of\en  ill-considered,  speeches  in  Conjrress  are. 
capable  of  making  mischief  in  our  negotiation.-*, 
how  much  more  would  the  indisci-eet  expressions 
of  opinion  by  the  President,  on  propossitions  that 
may  never  be  made,  produce  .' 

The  President  rei.'oiiinnMided  notice  to  be  given 
under  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  for  the  ttirmina- 
tion  of  the  joint  occnpuncy.  This,  after  a  protract- 
ed debate,  was  passed  m  this  House,  and  has,  after 
still  more  delay,  passed  the  Senate  with  an  amend- 
ment. Uf)on  that  measure  1  desired  to  express  my 
sentiments  when  it  was  tinder  consideration  here; 
and  tnade  repeated  ellorts  to  obtain  the  tioor,  Imt 
without  success.  1  did  not  desire  then,  as  I  do  not 
t;o\v,  to  discuss  the  title,  but  to  assiirn  my  reasons 
for  voting  at  this  session  lor  giving  tlie  notice,  hav- 
ing voted  at  the  last  session  against  it.  I  desired 
to  say,  that  as  we  were  intornied  at  the  last  session 
that  negotiation  was  progressing  under  favorai)|e, 
prospects,  to  have  ^iven  th(!  notice  (without  the, 
very  objectionable  bill  of  whicii  it  formed  a  part) 
would  have  been  improper  and  uimecessary.  But 
since  that  time  negotiation  has  been  tried  and  failed, 
thus  far,  at  least,  to  settle  the  difficulty,  cilice  that 
time,  the  people  ha\e  taken  up  the  subject,  and  de- 
mand its  speedy  termination  in  some  way.  What- 
ever may  have  been  the  advantage  of  the  joint 
occupancy  treaty  to  us,  as  a  means  of  avoiding  the, 
consequences  that  naturally  would  have  resulted 
from  the  repeated  failures  to  .settle  this  question  by 
amicable  means,  until  we  could  settle  the  disputed 
country  with  our  citizens  and  prepare  to  meet  the 
consequences;  after  the  question  had  taken  sucli 
hold  upon  the  public  mind — after  certain  politicians 
had  seii.ed  upon  it  as  a  political  machi.  f;  to  pull 
down  some  men  and  elevate  others — it  was  time  to 
bring  it  to  a  clos'?,  to  take  it  from  before  the  public 
and  out  of  the  hands  of  partisans. 

It  is  not  strange  that  the  people  do  no.v  de- 
mand a  settlement  of  this  question.  They  natu- 
rally conclude  that  if  the  country,  or  any  part  of 
it,  belongs  to  us,  we  ought  to  have  it  exclusively 
in  our  possession:  they  dislike  any  partnership 
between  this  country  and  another,  especially  with 
Great  Britain.  The  title,  and  the  evidences  to 
sustain  it,  are  too  difficult  and  tedious  for  the  mass 
of  the  people  to  examine;  and  whatever  may  be 
the  true  line  of  division — whatever  obligation.^ 
may  have  been  incurred  by  the  former  offers  by 
our  Government  to  take  less  than  the  whole — the 
natural,  the  patriotic  sentiment  among  our  people 
is,  when  a  conflict  arises  between  this  country  and 
another  on  a  claim  to  territory,  as  well  as  any 
other  question,  to  "  go  for  our  country,  right  or 
wrong" — a  sentiment  so  patriotic,  that  however 
we  may  regret  it  when  it  sustains  the  wrong,  we 
must  admire  the  heart  from  which  it  flows. 

The  importance  of  this  question,  consists  not  so 
much  in  the  real  value  of  the  territory  in  dispute, 
(which  has  no  doubt  been  much  exaggerated,)  as 
in  the  consequences  that  must  ensue  if  the  diffi- 
culty cannot  be  settled  amicably.  In  that  case, 
the  last  alternative  of  nations  must  follow — an  al- 
ternative that  none  of  us  ought  to  desire.  In  this 
enlightened  age  of  the  world,  war  between  two  of 
the  most  enlightened  nations  cannot  ensue, especially 
about  a  piece  of  property  not  worth  the  cost  of  the 
war  to  either  (saying  riothing  of  the  expense  of 
preparation  and  the  loss  of  life)  for  three  months, 


1 


witlioul  prosfl  mifltnnnnf^cment  pomewlifire.  I  Imvc 
confidence,  therefore,  that  it  will  be  avoided;  but, 
to  avoid  it,  the  question  miisl  nmp  be  settled.  The 
tendency  of  delay  is  to  change  the  nature  of  the 
present  dispute  from  one  about  a  claim  to  prop- 
erty, to  one  nfnationul  honor .  By  keeping  up  the 
controversy,  the  feelirig  of  tjje  people  on  both  sides 
will  become  irritated,  until  the  cry  fnr  justice  will 
V)e  overcome  by  the  louder  cry  ofrevtrte:e.  1  have 
said  that  I  approve,  heartily  approve,  of  the  Pres- 
ident's effort  to  compromise  this  question :  the 
whole  country  has  approved  it,  anil  will  sustain 
him  in  any  just  s'  ttlemeiit  he  may  hereafter  make; 
but  I  will  say,  iliat  the  voice  of  the  people  in  favor 
of  taking  possession  of  the  whole  country  iS  get- 
ting stronger  and  stronger  every  day;  and  I  fear 
it  will  continue  in  that  direction  until  the  question 
is  settled,  as  1  have  an  abiding  confidence  it  soon 
will  be. 

I  have  said,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  President, 
by  the  course  he  has  pursued  hitherto,  hns  given 
lis  plainly  to  understand  what  he  will  do  hereafter. 
That  he  sincerely  desires  to  preserve  the  peace  of 
the  country,  if  he  can  without  a  uacrifice  of  our 
national  honor,  no  one  can  doubt.  That  he  may 
be  enabled  to  do  this,  let  us  not,  by  hasty  and  in- 
considerate legislation,  embarrass  him.  And  this 
brings  me  to  the  consideration  of  the  bill  now  be- 
fore us — a  bill,  in  my  humble  judgment,  pregnant 
with  mischief  in  the  present  state  of  the  question. 
I  say,  in  the  present  state  of  the  question,  Mr.  Chair- 
man; because,  whatever  acts  Great  Britain  may 
have  passed  in  relation  to  her  citizens,  (the  char- 
acter of  which  are  greatly  misunderstood,)  we 
have  subsequently  entered  into  the  joint-occupancy 
treaty  with  her,  and  so  assented  to  them.  Besides, 
Great  Britain  had  not,  at  the  tii..e  of  passing  her 
acts,  given  us  notice,  as  we  have  now  provided  to 
give  her;  so  that  our  legislation  must  be  consid- 
ered in  connexion  with  the  notice  of  the  abroga- 
tion of  the  treaty. 

The  President  informs  us  that  the  people  of  Ore- 
gon "  are  anxious  that  our  laws  should  be  ex- 
tended over  them;"  and  he  says:  "I  recommend 

*  that  this  be  done  by  Congress,  with  as  little  delay 

*  as  possible,  in  the  full  extent  to  which  the  British 

*  Parliament  have  provided  in  regard  to  British 

*  subjects  in  that  territory  by  their  act  of  July  2, 

*  1821.     By  this  act.  Great  Britain  extended  her 

*  laws  and  jurisdiction,  civil  and  criminal,  over  her 
'  subjects  engaged  in  the  fur  trade  in  that  territory." 
The  President  ftirther  says,  that  *'  subsequent  to 
'  the  date  of  this  act  of  Parliament,  a  grant  was 

*  made  from  the  British  Crown  to  the  Hudson  Bay 

*  Company,  of  the  exclusive  trade  with  the  Indian 
'  tribes  in  the  Oregon  territory,  subject  to  a  reser- 

*  vation  that  it  shall  not  operate  to  the  exclusion 

*  of  the  subject  of  any  foreign  State,  who,  under 

*  or  by  force  of  any  convention  for  the  time  being 

*  between  us  and  such  foreign  State,  respectfully, 

*  may  be  entitled  to>  and  shall  be  engaged  in  the 

*  said  trade." 

Here  is  a  recommendation  that  we  extend  our 
Imos  over  our  own  citizens  in  Oregon,  as  GreatlBrit- 
aiti  has  extended  her  laws  over  her  citizens.  Thus 
far,  I  am  more  than  willing  to  go;  but  the  bill  does 
not  stop  here.  It  proposes  to  extend  our  laws, 
after  twelve  months,  over  all  citizens  in  any  part 
of  the  territory,  up  to  54°  40'.  Does  not  every  one 
tee  that  this  mubt  necessarily  bring  the  two  coun- 


tries into  a«tafr  of  hostilities?  The  President  .taw 
it  would  not  only  <ln  that,  but  would  rut  off  (ill 
prospect  of  settling  the  question  amicably,  within 
the  twelve  months,  which  he  tells  us  he  is  Hnxi(Uis 
to  do.  This  bill  proposp.,  timt  all  British  subjects 
shall,  after  twrlvt  months  be  expelled  from  Iho 
Oreapn  territory.  Tlii"  wo  threaten  to  do  while 
we  nave  a  treaty  providing  that  the  citiiUMis  of 
each  country  shiill  occupy  it  jointly:  and  while 
wv.  .'ire  negotiating  wit.i  Great  Hritain  for  an  ami- 
cable settlement  <tf  the  question.  Do  not  gentle- 
men see  that  such  an  act  must,  to  say  the  least  of 
it,  embarraio  the  neirotiation  ?  Can  we  calculate 
that  we  can  pass  this  bill  without  interrupting 
negotiation.'  To  enable  us  to  appreciate  the  irri- 
tation that  the  passage  of  .such  a  bill  wou.  1  pro- 
f'uce  on  the  part  of  Great  Briuiin,  let  us  supposa 
that  she  had  given  us  the  notice  (as  she  had  the 
right  to  do  under  tlie  treaty)  of  the  abroi,-alion  of 
the  convention, and  then  that  Parliament  had  pass- 
ed a  law,  that  at  the  end  of  the  year  ourcitizens  were 
to  be  driven  from  the  Oregon  territory:  is  there  a 
man  on  this  floor — is  thee  an  American  citizen 
anywhere,  who  has  the  heart  of  an  American 
— who  would  not  consider  such  acts  as  equiva- 
lent to  a  declaration  of  war?  For  one,  I  would 
not  only  refc-^e  all  negotiation  with  her  under 
such  circumstaiices,  but  prepare  at  once  to  meet 
her,  and  decide  the  contest  by  arms.  I  do  not 
believe  there  is  a  man  en  this  floor,  whether  he. 
is  for  49°  or  54°  40',  who  would  not,  under  such 
circumstances,  be  for  ending  all  negotiation. 

The  President,  after  recommending  the  measures 
before  stated  only,  says:  "It  is  submitted  to  the 
«  wisdom  of  Congress  to  deteniiine  whether,  at  their 
'  present  session,  and  until  after  the  expiration  of 
'  the  year's  notice,  any  other  measures  may  be 
'  adopted,  consistently  with  the  convention  of  1827, 

•  ir  the  security  of  our  rights  and  the  government 

•  and  protection  of  o.ir  citizens  in  Oregon.  That 
'  it  will  ultimately  be  wise  and  proper  to  make 
'  liberal  grants  of  land  to  our  citizens  there,  I  am 
•fully  satisfied." 

I  have,  Mr.  Chairman,  stated  every  recommenda- 
tion the  President  has  made  in  relation  to  the  exer- 
cise of  our  authority,  by  Congressional  legislation, 
in  Oregon.  AM  arecarefullyexpressed,withan  eye 
to,  and  in  view  of,  our  solemn  treaty  stipulations. 
*  The  faith  of  treaties,  (the  President  says,)  in 


'  their  letter  and  spirit,  has  ever  been,  n,r;d  I  trust 

•  will  ever  be,  scrupulously  observed  by  the  Uni- 

•  ted  States."  To  all  these  recommendations,  I 
heartily  subscribe.  I  will  vote  for  them  all  most 
cheerfully,  because  they  are  wise  and  proper,  and 
in  no  respect  in  violation  of  our  treaty  obligations, 
or  calculated  to  interrupt  the  free  course  of  ami- 
cable negotiations.  Beyond  these  recommenda- 
tions we  oilght  not  to  be  required  to  go;  and  for 
one,  I  will  not. 

Having  shown ,  Mr.  Chairman ,  what  the  President 
recommends  on  this  subject,  I  ask  whether  this  bill 
does  not  'o  a  great  deal  beyond  his  recommenda- 
tion— beyond  what  he  says,  as  plainly  as  he  can  say 
it,  we  can  go  consistentJy  with  our  treaty  obligations 
with  Great  Britain?  This  bill  is  entitled  ''A  bill 
'  to  proiect  the  rights  of  American  settlers  in  the 
« territory  of  Oregon  until  the  termination  of  the 
'joint  occupation  of  the  same."  I  will  vote  for 
any  bill  that  this  title  can  anply  to;  but  the  first 
i  flection  extends  the  laws  of  iowa  over  the  Oregon 


territory, 

•  nor  exi'i'ut 

♦  BuhjeclM  of 

*  privilesres  ; 
«  with  the  U 
'  lationssha 

•  for  in  the 

The  very 
iah  Huhjectf 
laifR  the  til 
which  the  I 
hold  sacrei 
[Mr.  Hoi-s' 
objection,  ( 
whirii  wou 
the  bill  the 
words:  "  u 
by  virtue  ol 
nrticlr  of  sa 
vent  the  op 
ject:-!,    as 
months  as  I 
ulations  wi 
tice  is  giver 
nothing  to 
Upply  to  E 
league's  an 
league  intPi 
tioti  of  the 
as  he  must 
cannot  obj 
accomplish 
Mr.  II 01 
not  unders 
to  frame  th 
terminalioi: 
operation  i 
until  it  ma) 
did  not  prr 
ti-eaty;  but 
now  for  th 
that  time,  1 
tioii  of  this 
sequent  lea 
Mr.  Ch: 
colleague 
to  me  and 
Yancey]  i 
reported  ti 
wnich  I  re 
Mr.  Cn 
13lh  of  Aj 

"Mr.  n.  S 

tlu'  bill  l>y  i 
tliorcnf: 

»'  '  Until  R 
«»airt  not,ic« 
•  mentioned 

"  Mr.  G.  1 
had  prnposf 
legislated  u] 
in  niWance. 

The  ob 
could  not 
it  is  in  thi 
was  to  lir 
Subjects  1 
-pancy. 

Mr.  H 
sired  to 
tinderstar 


1 


B 


President  saw 
lid  nit  oir  nil 
irnhly,  within 
hr,  is  anxious 
itish  siibjerts 
lied  from  ilio 
1  to  do  while 
>'■  cilizj'n.s  of 
y;  and  whiln 
n  for  nn  ami- 
)o  not  »ontle- 
ly  the  least  of 
we  ralculntc 
t  interruptins: 
Relate  the  irri- 
ill  woui  J  pro- 
it  119  snpposa 
she  had  the 
al)rot,-ation  of 
lent  had  pass- 
r  citizens  were 
)ry:  is  there  a 
erican  citizen 
an  American 
fs  as  eqniva- 
one,  I  would 
th   her  under 
once  to  meet 
IS.     I  do  not 
r,  whether  he 
>f,  under  such 
tiation. 

:  the  measures 
mitted  to  the 
lether,  at  their 
expiration  of 
nires  may  be 
ntion  of  1827, 
c  government 
regon.  That 
)per  to  make 
is  there,  I  am 

recommenda- 
<n  to  the  exer- 
al  legislation, 
i,  with  an  eye 
■  stipulations. 
?nt  says,)  in 
<},  ?.r:ri  I  trust 
1  by  the  Uni- 
lendations,  I 
lem  all  most 
1  proper,  and 
r  obligations, 
urse  of  ami- 
•ecommenda- 
)  go;  and  for 

the  President 
Jtherthis  bill 
•ecommenda- 
as  he  cjtn  say 
yobhgations 
tied  "A  bill 
ettlers  in  the 
ation  of  the 
will  vote  for 
but  the  first 
r  the  Oregon 


territory,  "provided  that  it  shall  not  he  construed 

•  niir  exccutfd  in  such  a  manner  as  to  deprive  the 

•  Biihipf-is  of  Great  Britain  of  any  of  the  riu'hts  and 
'pri\ilr<res  secured  to  them  by  the  treaty  of  1H27 
'  with  the  United  States,  until  the  said  treaty  stipu- 
'  latidns  shall  cense  by  virtue  of  the  notice  provided 
'  for  in  the  second  article  of  the  treaty." 

The  very  first  section  extends  the  law  over  Ilrit- 
iah  Hiilijects  after  the  twelve  months;  thus  it  vio- 
lates the  title  of  the  bill,  and  the  treaty  obligations 
which  the  President  so  earnestly  recommends  us  to 
hold  .vacrcd.  1  was  pleased  to  sec  my  colleasrtie 
[Mr.  Hoi'ston]  move  an  amendment  to  avoid  this 
objection,  (as  he  no  doubt  intended  it  to  do,  but 
which  would  not  have  that  effect,)  to  ."trike  out  of 
the  bill  the  latter  clause  of  the  first  section,  in  the.se 
words:  "until  said  treaty  stipulations  shall  cease 
by  virtue  of  the  notice  provided  for  in  the  second 
article  of  said  last  mentioned  treaty,"  and  so  pre- 
vent the  operation  of  the  law  on  the  British  sub- 
jects, as  well  after  the  expiration  of  twelve 
months  as  before.  But  inasmuch  as  no  treaty  stip- 
ulations will  exist  after  the  twelve  months  no- 
tice is  given,  ths  nr.vioO  in  the  section  would  have 
nofhinjT  to  operate  upon,  and  the  section  would 
ap|ily  to  British  subjects  as  well  with  my  col- 
league's amendment  as  without  it.  As  my  col- 
league intended  his  amendment  to  limit  the  opera- 
Uoii  of  the  bill  to  the  term  of  joint  occupancy,  and 
as  he  must  see  tiiat  it  v;ill  not  effect  his  object,  he 
cainiot  object  to  such  an  alteration  of  it  as  will 
accomplish  what  he  designed. 

Mr.  Houston  explained  that  hia  colleague  did 
not  understand  him  correctly.  His  object  m'bs  so 
to  frame  the  bill  as  for  it  to  say  nothing  about  the 
termination  of  the  joint  convention.  Let  it  go  into 
Operation  as  a  law  of  the  land,  and  so  continue 
until  it  may  be  superseded  by  other  legislation.  He 
did  not  propose  to  limit  it  to  the  abrogation  of  the 
tieiity;  but'while  he  would  not  consent  to  legislate 
now  for  the  state  of  things  which  may  exist  after 
that  time,  he  would  also  refuse  to  limit  the  opera- 
tion of  this  bill,  leaving  it  to  be  superseded  by  sub- 
sequent legislation. 

Mr.  Chapman  continued.  I  would  not  do  my 
colleague  injustice.  I  will  not  state  what  he  said 
to  me  and  other  collea^^cu^s  [Messrs.  Dargan  and 
Yancey]  at  the  time;  but  I  will  state  what  he  is 
renorted  to  have  said  in  the  paper  (the  Union)  to 
which  I  referred. 

Mr.  Chapman  then  read  from  the  Union  of  the 
13th  of  April,  as  follows; 

"  Mr.  (I.  S.  Houston  moved  to  nmend  the  first  section  of 
the  bill  l>y  Kiiikuig  out  the  following  words  from  the  end 
tlicrcof: 

"  'ITntll  said  treaty  Btipulntions  shall  cPdRp  byvirtnc  of  the 

•  said  notice  provided  for  in  the  second  articlt;  in  said  last- 
'  mentioned  treaty.' 

"  Mr.  G.  S.  Houston  advocated  the  amendment  which  he 
had  proposed.  At  the  end  of  the  year  the  r-nhject  could  he 
legislated  upon.  It  was  tmnecessary  to  make  any  pr'^vision 
in  advance." 

The  object  of  the  amendment,  Mr.  Ohaiiman, 
could  not  have  been  more  clearly  expressed  than 
it  is  in  this  report  of  my  colleague's  remyrks.  It 
was  to  limit  the  operation  of  the  bill  to  our  own 
■ubjects  in  Oregon  and  to  the  time  of  joint  occu- 
■pancy. 

Mr.  Houston  again  interposed,  and  said  he  de- 
sired to  understand  his  colleague.  He  did  not 
understand  him  when  he  says  he  will  not  repeat 


the  conversation  which  I  had  with  him  or  with 
others  of  niy  colleagues.  Now,  he  certainly  know.t 
that  a  remark  of  that  sort  is  calculated  to  create 
improper  impressions,  much  more  no  tJinn  if  he 
were  to  re])eat  any  conversations  I  may  have  hail 
with  him.  I  do  not  now  renieinl)er  what  I  may 
have  said  to  him;  but  1  stale  to  my  collinijue  and 
to  the  committee,  that  I  said  nothing  to  him  i:i  pri- 
vate or  to  any  of  my  colleat;ues  which  is  incon- 
sistent with  the  position  1  iiave  assumed  now  and 
previously. 

Mr.  Chapman.  I  understood  mycolleaguc,  then, 
as  he  was  reported — that  is,  that  he  wanted  to  limit 
the  bill  to  the  joint  occupancy.  So  did  others  uii- 
dersUmd  him. 

Mr.  HofSToN  said  he  had  mt  read  his  remarks 
as  reported,  nor  did  he  generall}'  read  the  reports- 
Buthefound  tli  t  his  remarks  weiecorrectly  report- 
ed; that  when  liie  time  came  for  the  expiration  of 
the  treaty,  they  all  contemplated  further  legisla- 
tion, and  knew  it  to  be  neces.sary.  He  did  not 
mean  to  say  that  this  hill  would  absolutely  expire 
then,  but  simply  that  it  would  be  suspeiided  by 
further  legislation. 

Mr.  Chapman.  I  take  t'le  gentleman  by  what 
he  says  himself  as  reported;  he  admits  that  he  is 
correclhj  reported,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  he  is 
misreported,  as  he  sits  within  a  few  feet  of  the 
reporters.  I  have  said  that  I  was  gratified  when 
my  colleague  moved  his  amendment  with  the  avow- 
ed purpose  of  limiting  the  operation  of  the  bill  to 
our  own  citizens — to  the  time  of  the  joint  occupan- 
cy— to  conform  the  bill  to  its  title.  I  regret  now 
to  learn  from  him  that  his  object  was  not  as  I  sup- 

Eosed,  not  as  declared  by  him  at  the  time  to  rne  to 
e  his  object.  Then,  what  object  had  he  in  offer- 
ing the  amendment .'  I  have  shown  that  it  would 
not  change  the  bill  in  any  way — that  its  operation 
would  be  the  .same  icith  the  amendment  as  wUhoiit 
it.  The  amendment  would  render  the  bill  more 
objectionable  in  this:  that  it  serves  to  conceal,  what 
without  it  is  avowed.  The  title  of  the  bill  is  cal- 
culated, as  I  have  shown,  to  mislead  us  as  to  its 
object ;  the  first  section  goes  beyond  the  title. 
My  colleague '.?  amendment  only  serves  still  to 
keep  up  the  deception,  although  I  am  sure  he 
would  not  intentionally  practice  such  a  deception, 
I  will  not  believe  for  a  moment  that  the  committee 
who  reported  this  bill  intended  to  practice  any  de- 
ception upon  the  House  by  giving  it  a  false  title; 
much  loss  will  I  suppose  that,  in  adf'ing  the  tail 
which  my  colleague  proposes  to  cut  off,  they  acted 
as  a  liorse  jockey  who  puts  on  the  price  of  his  horse 
ten  dollai-s  in  addition,  to  fall,  if  it  becomes  neces- 
sary, in  order  to  effect  a  sale.  But  I  will  say,  that 
the  bill  ought  to  conform  to  its  title,  especially  in 
so  important  a  particular.  Bills  are  often  read 
here  by  their  titles,  and  sometimes  passed  by  their 
titles,  without  ftirther  examination.  The  first  sec- 
tion of  the  bill,  then,  is  highly  object'.)nable:  first, 
because  it  extends  our  laws  over  British  subjects, 
after  the  twelve  months'  notice,  in  violation  of  our 
treaty  stipulations;  because  it  holds  out  a  threat  to 
Great  Britain  that  we  shall  take  possession  of  the 
whole  territory,  when  we  have,  for  nearly  half  a 
century,  recognised  her  joint  righi  to  occupy  it. 
Such  a  measure  at  this  time,  following  the  notice 
we  have  authorized,  will,  in  my  judgment,  seri- 
ously embarrass  the  President  in  his  eft'orts  to  set- 
tle the  difficulty  by  negotiation,  if  it  does  not  bring 


6 


Wftr.  Sprnndly,  I  object  to  thai  section,  Mr.  Chnir- 
man,  becnuHc  ir  proposes  to  extend  llie  jiirisdif- 
tion  and  laws  of  the  Tf-rritory  of  Iowa,  not  only 
AH  I  hey  now  exist,  but  also  Miicfi  as  may  be  pasncd 
by  lliR  niithoritit'M  in  Iowa  itfrf-nfler,  over  tho 
whole  territory  of  Oresron  up  to  the  Rusmian  line; 
thuM  trnnsterrin;;  I'rotii  (^onjrresH  to  that  Territory 
the  delienic  power  of  Icjjishitinp;  for  a  territory  over 
which  II  forei;;ii  (.Tovernnient  claims  erpial  riirhtM 
of  occupancy.  Tliis  power  is  too  important  to  ix- 
transterre<l ;  it  is  a  power  to  make  icar,  whiclj  we 
have  no  rig^ht  to  de!ea;ate  to  Iowa.  It  is  too  im- 
portant to  be  exercised,  except  in  the,  very  last 
resort,  by  ourselves.  It  siiould  never  be  iran.s- 
ferred. 

It  has  been  said,  Mr  (.'hairman,  that  this  bill 
lias  been  so  framed  as  to  commit  all  wiio  voti-  for 
it  to  th»!  doctrine  of  the  "  whole  of  Orcijon  or 
none."  This  has  been  boldly  avowed  here,  i)ut 
I  cannot  admit  such  a  construction,  aliliouKh  I  opi- 
poae  the  bill.  If  sucii  a  connniltal  could  legiti- 
mately follow,  it  would  constitute  with  me  an  in- 
surmountnlde  objection  to  the  bill;  for  my  policy 
has  always  been  to  leave  the  President  altotjcther 
free  and  unfettered  by  lej^islatiori  to  settle  the  mat 
ter  by  nec;oiiaiion.  And  who  can  expect  him  to 
compromise  the  question  if  we  vote  for  n  bill  as- 
oertinf;  our  rifjhts  to  the  whole  ? 

The  p;entleman  from  Georf^ia,  [Mr.  Conn,]  in  his 
speech  a  few  days  a'.ro,  Rave  us  his  opinion  as  to 
the  elfect  of  votins^  for  this  bill.  Restated,  (if  I 
didnotmisundersuuid  him,)  that  those  who  believe 
in  our  clear  riijht  to  the  whole  territory  could  very 
consistently  vote  for  it — so  could  those  who  be- 
lieved in  our  perfect  title  up  to  49°,  and  our  better 
title  to  the  rest;  but  that  those  v-ho  only  believe 
that  we  have  a  right  up  to  the  4  ree,and  are 

willine;  to  compromise  at  that  lii  not  consist- 

ently vote  for  this  Ijil'l;  and  il  .k  ^  do,  they  are 
committed  to  54°  40'.  As  I  am  opposed  to  com- 
miiting  myself  upon  questions  of  so  much  impor- 
tance until  there  is  a  necessity  for  it,  1  will  save 
such  construction,  as  far  as  1  am  concerned,  by 
denying  the  conclusion.  The  gentleman  failed  alto- 
gether m  convincine;  me  by  his  argument  that  such 
a  conclusion  was  legitimate;  his  rule,  to  be  a  good 
one,  ouglit  at  least  to  work  both  ways.  It  has  also 
been  contended  that  all  who  voted  for  the  bill  of 
last  session  committed  themselves  to  54°  40'.  This 
conclusion  is  much  more  reasonable,  as  that  bill 
expressly  defined  our  limits  to  that  latitude,  organ- 
ized a  separcte  territorial  government  throughout, 
and  had  the  notice  incorporated  in  it ;  in  all  whicli 
it  differed  from  this  bilJ.  I  will  not  undertake  to 
say,  nor  do  1  believe,  that  those  who  voted  for  that 
bill  intended  to  commit  themselves  to  54'-'  40'. 
That  bill  was  hurried  through  without  much  con- 
sideration. Many  members  who  voted  for  it,  I 
know,  have  regretted  tiie  vote,since  ihey  have  ex- 
amined its  provisions.  I  confess  that  I  had  not  an 
opportunity  of  examining  it  as  well  as  I  desired. 
Acting,  therefore,  upon  tlie  safe  rule  of  voting 
against  such  mea.sures  as  I  have  not  a  chance  to 
examine,  as  well  as  such  as  I  disapprove  of,  I 
voted  against  it. 

[A  voice.  You  acted  on  the  masterly-inactivity 
principle.] 

Mr.  Chapman.  No;  I  am  not  one  of  your  mas- 
terly-inactivity men;  but  1  had  rather  remain  inac- 
tive— had  rather  vote  against  a  measure  I  have  not 


fore  alio 
ff  ss,  Mr 
in  tin'  w 
piiiii  y. 
the  scpn 
Britain 
VI  iihout 


ftdly  examined, or  as  to  the  nnlicyof  which  1  doubt,  limit  it 
than  to  vote  blindly  or  douiitingly.  ■oine  si 

Mr.  Chairman:  To  the  I'ourth  section  of  this  bil  not  onl 
I  object.    That  seciioii  provides  that /tfrcnf^f  r  then  •mbarr 
shall    be  i.;^rniiH(l   to  carli    .settler  in    ()re>ron    ovci  Vc\ei|  < 
eitchteen  yars  of  ag(!,  ihrec  hundred  and  tweniv        Wliyl 
anil  lo  iill  under  thai  a:re,  one  hundred  and  sixty  tipon  ti 
acres  of  land.     Now,  all  who  know  me,  and  my  virions 
uniforin  course  hire,  can  testify  to  my  zeal  in  In  ■  ocrutic 
half  of  the  seiilcrs  on  the  public  lands — the  adveii-  next   se 
turous  and  worthy  pioneers  in  a  new  country — in  nieiitot 
enabling  them  to  oijtain  their  lands  even  tci//»oii.' *>ft lire; 
prirv.     I5ul  I  cannot  see  how  iirants  can  be  madi  ^e  slii 
ill  Or.'iroii  consistently  with  our  treaty,  so  long  as  months 
the  joint  occiiiiation  continues,  anil  until  the  Indian  treaty  n 
title  is  extinu'iiished.     The  President  very  justly  Hot  be 
says,  that<(^/(r  these  dlilicuUics  are  removed,  it  will  then  lie 
be  pro{ier  to  make  liberal  grants  of  land  to  the  sei-  exists, 
tiers.     He  does  not  reconiincnd  il  to  be  done  noir,  of."  i«  i 
becau.se  it  is  a  violation  of  the  tri'aiy.     In  fact,  by  be  disrc 
expressing  his  opinion  that  it  will  be  proper  to  dn  treiiy  'H 
it  fl/'/cc  the  ditKculties  referred  to  are  removed.  In   necessit 
expresses  the  belief,  that  without  a  violation  of  tin    niui  h  as 
treaty  it  cannot  he  done  lief'nre.     Hut  it  is  saiil  thiH 
the  bill  iloes  not  grant,  but  promi.ies  hereafter  thn- 
land  .'ihall  be  granted.  Is  there  not  an  obligation  in 
curred  by  thcGovernment .'  If  so,  it  is  as  binding  aj 
an  absolute  grant.  I  heard  iny  friend  from  Georgia, 
[Mr.JoNKs,]  on  yesterday,  laboring  to  pointoutthe, 
disiinttion  between  a  promise  to  grant  land  hcreat'- 
tcr,  which  he  says  is  no  violation  of  the  terms  ol'  ties  cam 
the  treaty,  and  an  abHolute  grant,  which  he  admii.s  lerved  o 
would  be.     I  know  that  gentleman  has  a  very  high   complna 
reputation  as  a  lawyer — no  higher,  however,  than   ernmeni.' 
he  deserves — but  he  failed  to  convince  me   thai  or,  the  t' 
there  was  any  difference  in  the  obligation  created   the  I'g 
in  the  two  ca.ses.     If  no  obligation  is  created,  why   ^V'  '^""^  " 
make  the  provision.'  and  if  it  is  created,  a  gram   fif^ht,  su< 
can  do  no  more.     If  (as  my  friend  from  Georgiii    Beniience 
admits)  our  treaty  engagements  prohibit  us  from    leuislatio 
making  alisolxUe  grants  in  Oregon,  the  public  faith    umbr  tli 
will  be  violated  ij'we  do.     And  if  we  promise  here-    to  claim 
after  to  make  grants  there,  and  do  not,  the  public,    t^'  attemi 
faith  is  also  violated.     Then,  how  can  we  pledge    hers-.     ^ 
the  faith  of  the  nation  not  to  do  and  to  do  the  same    g'ver 
act  at  the  same  time .' 

[Here  Mr.  Jones  asked  leave  to  explain;  but 
Mr.  C.  declined  to  yield  the  floor,  as  his  hour 
wa.s  running  out.] 

Mr.  C.  said:  I  heard  the  gentleman's  rensoninj: 
yesterday.  1  cannot  have  my  remaining  time  taken 
up  in  an  effort  to  convince  me  of  a  distinction  be- 
tween the  moral  obligation  to  comply  with  a  prom- 
ise to  grant  land,  and  an  actual  grant.  There  are 
some  propositions  so  plain  that  they  do  not  admit 
of  reasoning — others  so  absurd  that  reasoning  upon 
them  ought  not  to  be  permitted;  of  the  latter  class  I 
consider  the  distinctions  thai  my  friends  from  Geor- 
gia [Messrs.  Jones  and  Cobb]  have  attempted  to 
prove. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  endeavored  thus  briefly 
to  point  out  the  objections  to  the  bill  now  under 
consideration;  objections  that  may  very  easily  and 
ought  to  be  removed,  without  changing  its  charac- 
ter as  "  a  bill  to  protect  the  rights  of  American  set- 
tlers in  the  territory  of  Oregon  until  the  termination 
of  the  joint  occupation  of  the  same."  The  amend- 
ment proposed  oy  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr. 
Vinton]  I  hope  will  be  adopted,  so  as  to  confine 
tlie  operation  of  the  bill  to  our  own  citizens,  and 


if 

we  are  r 

Presider 

Oregon , 

for   Mcti( 

asserted. 

tending 

of  nfi'ori 

tiiiL'  the: 

forded  V 

for  any 

Kens  th' 

the  eon 

union  a 

ask, the 

been  nr 

may  wt 

tlie  nex 

except  I 

fer  upoi 

until  it 

there  m 

avoid  a 

Viiite  u 

Blate  of 

Mr.  ' 


f 


y  of  which  1  doubt, 

ly- 

section  of  this  hil 
Ihnl  lirrrnfler  thf  r< 
r  in    Orciioii   ovn 
iidipd  and  twrni\ 
mndred  and  sixty 
now  mc,  and  my 
'  to  niy  7,(;;il  in  l)i 
landft — ihf!  ndvcti- 
L  n»'W  coniitiy — in 
and.s  even  without 
ant.s  can  he.  niadi 
treaty,  so  Ion;;;  as 
lid  until  llie  Indian 
iiiient  very  justiv 
re  rimortd,  it  will 
i)f  land  to  the  sei- 
it  to  be  done  noir, 
I'aty.     In  fact,  liv 
II  he  proper  to  do 
•  are  removed,  li< 
a  violation  of  tin 
I'm  it  is  said  thm 
ises  hereafter  thir 
t  an  oblii^ation  in 
it  is  as  binding  a  1 
;nd  from  Georgia, 
ng  to  pointoutthfi 
;;rant  land  licreat"- 
n  of  the  terms  oi 
which  he  admits 
11  has  a  very  high 
r,  iiowever,  than 
Dnvince   me   thai 
Ibligation  created 
is  created,  why 
created,  a  gram 
from  Georgia 
irohibit  us  from 
the  public  faith 
ve  promise  here- 
not,  the  public 
can  we  pledge 
to  do  the  same 

to  explain;  but 
or,  as  his  hour 

nan's  rensoninc 
ining  time  taken 
a  distinction  be- 

!y  with  a  proni- 
y.\l.     There  are 

y  do  not  admit 

reasonitigupoii 
the  latter  class  I 

nds  from  Geor- 
ve  attempted  to 

d  thus  briefly 
jill  now  under 
k'ery  easily  and 
?ing  its  charac- 
r  American  set- 
the  termination 

'  The  amend- 

om  Ohio  [iVIr. 
as  to  confine 

11  citizens,  and 


u 


limit  il  to  ilip  joint  occupain'in.  Without  ilint,  or 
■OHIO  siniilar  nniendiiient,  it  will,  in  my  judgment, 
not  only  vmlaie  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  but  will 
•mbarniMS  tin;  I-'xecnlive  in  his  ell'orts  to  settle  this 
Vexed  <iiie.siion  ainicaMy. 

Wliy,  l'*t  mi'  ask,  Mr.  riiairman,  are  we  called 
Upon  to  pass  a  iiill  at  this  session,  coiUaining  pro- 
Visions  HO  obnoxious  to  many  menibe.'s  oi' the  I  )(ni- 
ocratic  party?  Why  not  delay,  at  least  until  the 
next  ses.'ion,  the  delii-ate,  the  danserons  experi- 
nifiit  of  extending  our  lav.s  over  Hrilish  snbjeels — 
of  threatening  lo  expel  them  from  the  country? 
We  shall  meet  here  atrain  lone;  before  the  twelve 
months'  nolire  can  be  ;.'iven.  In  tin;  mean  time,  a 
treaty  may  be  concluded,  so  that  such  a  course  may 
not  lie  necessary,  or  if  no  treaty  is  made,  it  can 
then  be  done,  so  as  to  iiicet  the  einerirency,  if  any 
exists.  "  Surticieiit  unto  the  day  is  the  evil  there- 
of," is  a  motto  of  high  aiithoriiy»iuid  should  never 
be  disrejardt-d.  At  tiie  next  session,  jirovided  no 
ti'e'ity  is  made  in  the  mean  time,  I  eonlV-ss  that  the 
necessity  for  such  legislation  will  be  greater,  inns- 
niiK  h  a,s  the  twelve  months  will  have  exjiired  be- 
fore another  ('onsress  asseiniilfs.  I  frankly  con- 
fess, Mr.  Chairman,  that  there  are  great  difliimlties 
in  the  way  of  any  leoj.slation  under  the  joint  oceu- 
piiiny .  It  is  not  easy  to  arrange  a  .system  by  which 
the  separate  laws  of  the  United  States  and  Gnat 
Britain  over  the  same  territory  can  be  extended, 
M  iihoiit  a  conflict  of  jurisdiction.  Two  sovereisrn- 
ties  cannot  exist  well  togtuher.  All  who  have  ob- 
■erved  our  own  beautitiil  Rvstem — our  novel  and 
Complicated  machinery  of  Pederal  and  Slate  Gov- 
ernments— must  admit  how  ditiicult  it  is  to  carry 
on  the  two  in  harmony.  Nevertheless,  we  have, 
the  I'ght,  under  the  joint  convention,  to  legislate 
for  our  own  eitizen.s:  and  if,  in  the  exercise  of  this 
right,  such  conflicts  ensue,  we  must  meet  the  con- 
Be(|uence.  But  let  us  do  our  duty  by  guarding  our 
legislation,  and  kei'ping  within  our  just  powers 
under  the  treaty.  Great  Dritain  has  not  pretended 
to  claim  jurisdiction  over  our  citizens,  nor  oueht  we 
to  attempt  to  exercist;  our.seven  )irospectively  over 
hers.  When  the  twelve  months'  notice  has  been 
given,  if  no  settlement  of  the  question  is  made,  and 
we  are  reduced  to  the  alternative  referred  to  by  the 
President,  of  abandoning  or  as.^erting  our  rights  in 
Oregon,  the  lime  will  then  have  arrived,  a.s  he  says, 
for  action.  All  will  then  bhv,  our  ri2;hts  fihrill  l)e 
ansi'vtril.  In  the  mean  time,  fain  in  favor  of  ex- 
tending our  laws  over  our  citizens  iu  Oregon,  and 
of  affording  them  all  the  protection  while  emigra- 
tinir  there,  and  ni'ler  they  get  there,  that  can  be  af- 
forded without  a  violation  of  the  treaty-  I  will  vole 
for  any  l>iil  cenliniiig  its  operation  to  our  own  citi- 
zens there.  This  we  have  the  riirhl  to  do  under 
the  i-oiuention.  For  the  sake  of  harmony  and 
Union  among  the  friends  of  the  Administration,  I 
ask,  then,  why  not  avoid  the  objectituis  that  have 
been  urged  against  this  measure;  or  at  least,  why 
may  we  not  delay  the  obnoxious  yirovisions  until 
tlie  next  session,  as  they  cannot  (uierate  before, 
except  to  embarrass  negotiation?  If  we  must  dif- 
fer upon  principles,  let  us  put  of!"  the  disagreement 
until  it  becomes  necessary.  For  in  the  mean  time 
there  may  be  such  a  change  of  circumstances  as  to 
avoid  any  disagreement.  By  that  time  we  may  all 
»inite  upon  a  measure  suited  to  the  then  existing 
stale  of  things. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  confess  that  I  have  felt  morti- 


fied to  observe,  during  all  this  Oregon  debnte,  so 
little  di.qposition  mnnil'estfd  l>y  those  who  elnini  to 
be  the  peculiar  friends  of  Oregon,  but  who  are,  in 
my  eBtiniation,  ultra  in  their  course  on  all  meas- 
ures relating  to  the.  (luestion,  to  secure  union  in  our 
action.  On  this  subject — so  delicate,  because  it 
intimalely  concerns  our  foreign  relations — it  doca 
appear  to  me  that  union  and  harmony  are  of  more, 
imporlanc'e  than  ujion  any  other.  The  moral  force 
of  (hat  united  public  sentiment,  which  is  altogether 
within  our  power,  if  we  will  mutually  yield  some- 
thing for  tlie  sake  of  securing  it,  is  w.)rth  nior« 
than  any  difference  in  tht^  various  plans  proposed 
for  our  actiim.  Give  the  Executive  die  l)enefit  of 
such  a  moral  force,  and  my  word  for  it,  the  diHi- 
ciilty  will  be  arljusted  in  such  a  way  as  to  satisfy 
nil  who  have  not  resolved  already  not  to  be  satis- 
ried.  Instead  of  securing  such  a  moral  force.,  wo 
have  been  delivering  moral  lectures  lo  Englf.nd, 
The  legitimate  business  in  hand,  of  so  conducting 
our  affairs  as  to  ensure  an  advantageous  and  ami- 
cable settlement  of  ihe  i>reseiit  dispute,  or  of  ma- 
king timely  preparations  lo  meet  the  consequences 
if  it  comes  to  that,  have  all  been  overlooked,  and 
a  Ions  list  of  other  injuries,  committed  by  Great 
Britain  upon  other  nations,  as  well  as  ujion  our- 
selves, have  been  hauled  np  for  examination.  Tlii.s 
is  indeed  a  new  plan  of  settling  a  dispute — by  re- 
curring to  old  ones  long  .since  settled;  or  it  not 
settled,  "  not  now  befm-f;  the  court." 

Let  us  remember,  and  jirofit  by  that  old  sayintr, 
that  "  a  certain  man  oiii^e  made  a  fortune  by  at- 
tending to  his  own  business."  After  we  have 
secured  an  advantageous  settlement  of  our  present 
difficulties  with  Great  Britain,  amicably  if  we  can, 
forcibly  if  we  must,  if  we  have  nothing  of  more 
importance  to  engasre  our  allenlion,  we  can  look 
into  tlie  conduct  of  that  proud  and  overbearing  na- 
tion towards  others.  But  first  let  us  settle  our 
own  affairs. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  said  that  it  is  not  my  pur- 
pose, on  this  occasion,  to  examine  into  the  respec- 
tive claims  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
to  this  territory.  That  question  is  not  necessarily 
involved  in  legislating  on  the  unea.sures  ns  far  us 
recommended  by  the  President.  This  bill,  how- 
ever, goes  beyond  his  recommendations,  by  ex- 
tending to  British  subjects,  and  jbeyond  the  joint 
occupancy.  To  those  who  advocate  the  bill  ex 
tending  to  British  subjects  and  proposing  to  drive 
them  t'rom  the  whole  territory,  belongs  the  respon- 
sibility of  making  out  our  perf(2ct  title  to  the  whole 
up  to  ttie  Russian  line.  1  do  not  propose  such 
le'^islation  now,  consequertly  that  task  is  not  mine. 
I  will  s.tv»  however,  Mr.  Ciiairnian,  that  I  do  not 
decline  the  examination  of  the  title  with  any  \iew 
of  shielding  tuysclf  from  responsibility.  When 
it  becomes  necessary  lor  me  to  do  so,  I  shall  ex- 
press my  views  fi-eely  and  clearly;  at  present  it  is 
neither  necessary  nor  prudent. 

We  have  heard  much  upon  this  subject.  By 
some  our  c'aim  has  been  traced  to  "Adam's  will;^' 
by  another,  to  a  still  elder  authority — "  the  Book 
of  Genesis."  Sacred  as  these  authorities  are,  they 
have  been  disputed.  Great  Britain  claims  also  to 
be  m  legatee  under  the  will  of  Adam;  and  the  au- 
thority of  the  Old  Testament,  so  triumphantly 
brought  up  by  the  gentleman  from  Mas.sachusetts, 
[MiC  Adams,]  may  likewise  be  controverted.  We 
both  heard,  in  a  seuaon  preached  in  this  Hall  last 


# 


8 


Sablmth,  anolhrr  fart  xlaloil  m  ilint  Hiime  booK-  of 
CJntuwin  ili.spnt<!il.  Wf  wtTu  tlaii  lolil  llini  ilic 
pt'iitTHlly  i-eccivtil  slatciiu'iit  lliiil  llie  World  wun 
creiitiHl  111  hIx  dayH,  wam  all  a  .•iclioii;  timl,  iiisltiKj 
f>t' s'tj:  (InifS,  miMiy  llnm.Miiid  ytarN  wxrc  ifnuirtd  lor 
tiie  crfaiioii  of  ih.i  world.  1  will  not  nay,  liowever, 
that  I  Ijclievi!  in  iliii'  luw  and  straiitjd  tliuory. 

Mr.  ('hairrnan,  I  ask  lh<;  ^''ntltniaii  iVom  iVIiu^ 
michuselts,  [Mr.  Ai>ams,|  imw  it  lia|)|M:ii.H  that  V 
tlid  not  find  tiif.s*;  concliiHivc  proolH  of  imr  prrfri-t 
title  to  the  wiioln  territory  up  to  54°  lit'  sooner  r 
Why  did  li(>,a^!;ie'retary  ofStatfumd  as  JVe.sideiit, 
a(;ree  that  (Jruat  iSriiaiii  hIiouUI,,  liiitly  oi'cupy  tliu  . 
territory  with  us,  if  our  exclusive  claim  was  mo 
ilear  and  so  ea.sy  of  proof ?    AV'hy  did  he  leji  im  j 
at  the  last  session,  in  IiIm  .speech  on  this  sulileitt,  . 
that  tlip  reason  the  eoiiveiitioiis  of  Juiiii  occupancy  i 
of  181b  and    I6il  were  ajjreed  to  wa.s,  *'  bemiUHO^ 

•  we  did  think  there  was  some  substance  in  the 
'claim  of  the  DritiHli  Government,  and  ihat  it  was 
'a  fair  and  iionorable  proposition  to  them  to  coni- 
'  promise — to  jijivo  uii  our  <laim  as  far  as  4!P  rather 
'  tliaii  fijjht  for  it.'    Wlialat  that  tinif  was  the  alter- 

•  native  to  this  mutual  suspension  of  the  claims  of  ' 
•the  two  countries .■•     It  was  instant  war" — (see 
Appendix  to  (,'oll<;re^^sional  Globt;,  pajje  2:27) — if 
lie  was  so  well  convinced  of  our  title,  to  the  whole 
country  a.s  he  now  is.-    The.se  thin;rs  surely  were  '. 
not  done  to  sti-cn^'then  the  British  claim  to  a  jxiint, 
when  she  would  sunlyji^hlfitril,  rather  than  jrive 
up  the  wliole  after  such  long  occupation  by  agree-  ■ 
ment. 

[Here  Mr.  Adams  asked  permission  to  explain, 
hut  Mr.  C.  declined  yielding  the  lioor,  as  he  said, 
for  want  of  time,] 

Mr.  C.  said,  that  whatever  the  defects  in  the  : 
title  of  Great  IJritain  may  have  been  orij^inally,  ; 
by  the  acts  of  our  Government  her  claim   had 
ripened  into  soiucthine:  tangil)le.     She  iuis  been  so  ' 
long  in  jiosscs.sion  of  the  territory  under  the  joint 
occupancy — first  with  S|)ain,  and  tlien  with  the 
United   State.s — that  irentlemen    who   exjiect   her 
quietly  to  yield  u|>  the  territory  without  a  struggle  ; 
are  greatly  deceived.  ! 

For   these  reasons,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  ap- | 
proved  of  the  course  of  the  President  in  oflering  | 
the  cojvipromise  at  49°,  and  for  one  I  shall  sustain  ! 
liini  in  any  settlement  ot'  the  question  he  may  mal^e  ! 
upon  that  basis.     I  believe  the  whole  country  will  '■ 
sustain  him  except  those  who  go  for  war — or  for  all 
of  Oregon  or  war,  which  is  the  same  thing.    That 
he  may  be  enabled  to  settle  this  question  upon  ad- 
vantageous and  honorable   terms,    if  possil)lc,  I 
shall  oppose  all  measures  that  may  fetter  him,  en- 
embarrass  the  negotiations;  and  1  shall  vole  for  all 
such  meaaures  that  he,  with  a  full   knowledge  of 
the  whole  ca.se,  and  in  view  of  the  consequences, 
has  recommended. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  same  considerations  that  in- 
duce me  to  deprecate  the  war  .speeches  we  have 
heard  here,  calculated  to  excite  angry  feelings 
abroad  and  irritation  at  home,  cause  me  also  to 
disapprove  of  such  us  have  been  made  on  the  other 


nidp  of  the  qu<*Kiion;  showing  to  our  Adv^rMArl^ 
the  weakiieHrt  of  our  tide  to  liie  territory,  ami  uu^ 
want  of  mihlary  and  naval  prepaialion  to  deferii 
our  claim,  if,  unforiunalely,  the  ultiiimtt;  rbsurl  i 
nations  should  Ix  coine  iii':vitable. 

Mr.  Chairinan,  all  suih  speichcN  have,  in  ni'.; 
jndu'iuent,  had  a  most  unfavorable  iiilhiencc  upt): 
tliis  question.  Much  better  would  it  have  beei 
for  the  country,  boili  lor  ourcharacur  as  a  nation 
.iiid  our  snc(!esH  in  the  pr<  sent  dilficulty,  if  suci 
speeches  had  never  been  made. 

I  hate  III  ard  it  boldly  avowed  by  a  distinguishci 
statesman,  during  this  debate,  that  "  tlie  hearts  n 
the  peojile  must  be  prepared  for  war."  Whai 
Mr.  ('hairinan,  prepare  the  jiearts  of  the  Amen 
can  people  for  war!  Is  it  meant  by  t'lis  senlinieii 
to  say,  that  the  American  |ieople  art  indisposed  t< 
war,  when  the  honor  of  the  country  demands  ii 
If  HO,  tlie  sen  ::nent  is  a  slander  upon  the  charactt; 
of  Americans.  t)r  is  it  intended  that  the  hearts  « 
^-  people  shall  be  prepared  ftu"  war,  when  on 
national  lioiMir  dot  s  not  require  that  horrid  alteriui 
live.'  If  so,  the  sontiinent  is  wicked  in  the  t!N 
Irenie — it  would  have  been  culled  savage  in  am 
age  of  the  world.  In  this  age  tif  enlighteneil  iim- 
son  and  of  civili/.niion,  no  sentiment  could  be  iiion 
detestidilc. 

If  any  corrective  is  needed  among  th'  people  n: 
this  coimtrv,  it  iff  the  reverse — they  are  too  eagd 
for  war.  The  statesman  who  will  use  his  inllii 
enc(!  to  all.iy  the  war  feeling  among  the  peojilc 
unless  the  honor  or  the  right.s  of  the  country  n 
quire  war,  evinces  a  thousand  times  more  mora 
courage  and  true,  patriotism,  than  he  who  urgi 
on  the  coiillict,  when  it  can,  .vithout  a  sacrifict:  t; 
national  honor,  hi;  avoided. 

J\1r.  Chairman,  there  i,s,  in  this  Democratic  land, 
so  much  national  pride,  so  much  love  of  country, 
and  sincere  devotion  to  our  free  institutions,  thii: 
the  tendency  of  i)ublic  sentiment  is  too  often  wiii, 
those  who  raise  the  cry  for  war.  Kach  individua 
in  this  country  is  himself  a  i)art  of  the  sovereignly 
of  the  nation,  and  bears  his  share  of  the  iialiomil 
character:  he  feels  this  responsibility,  and  is  jeal 
ous  of  national  honor.  Our  history  thus  far  is  ai; 
illustration  of  this  tendency  in  the  public  mind. 
We  all  know  that  tho.so  who  opposetl  the  la.st  wai 
became  so  odious  thereby,  that  a  generation  wa- 
not  suffK'.ient  to  atone  for  the  crime;  and  tt)  this 
day,  we  htiir  "that  sin  of  the  father  thrown  ii. 
the  teeth  of  the  son."  With  such  examples  be 
fore  us,  but  few  are  bold  and  daring  enough  to 
pause  for  an  examination  into  the  cause,  when  the , 
cry  of  war  has  been  sounded,  lest  they  may  sharu 
the  fate  of  others. 

If,  unfortunately,  tliis  controversy  shall  result  in 
war,  the  hearts  of  the  people  will  be  |)repared  for 
the  event;  they  will  no  longer  inquire  how  or  when 
the  cau.sc  originated,  but  they  will  pour  out  their 
means  and  their  blood  to  defend  tlie  rights  of  their 
country,  whether  tht;y  are  in  Oi-egon  or  elsewhere. 

But  I  trust  in  God  that  no  such  tilteruative  may 
become  necessary. 


iiir  Rdvfnnricl 
ritory,  aiul  on] 
iiioii  to  (Ji'I't'ni 
liiiiute  rcHurt  m 

H    lll\V<\    ill    tl)'. 

iiiliucncc  upo; 
d  it  httvc  beti 
u T  HN  a  niitinii 
ilcully,  if  unci 

a  diNtiii{;ui8lici 
"  llif  lieurts  0 
war."  Wlmi 
(if  tlie  Allien 
y  iMh  MCiitiiiit'ii 
'(  iiidispDKcd  li 
.ry  diiiimiuls  it 
III  tlie  clittracti'i 
at  tlie  hcartN  o 
war,  wliPii  (Mil 
L  liorrid  altiTiui 
kt'd  in  tlie  o\ 
savage  in  Hiiy; 
iiilis^hteiied  vvn. 
t  cuuid  be  moil 

?  th'  people  (i| 
f  are  too  wiget 
I  UNC  hJH  inilu- i 
lip;  the  peo}ilc, 
llie  country  n- 
es  niore  iiionii 
lie  wlio  iirgts 
ut  a  sttcrilictt  ti 

emocratic  land, 
ive  of  country, 
iHtitutions,  thai 
<  too  often  with 
i'^ach  iiidividuiil 
tiie  sovereisciiiy 
of  the  national 
ity,  and  is  jcal- 
\f  tliiis  far  IS  ai 
e  ijublic  mind, 
icd  liie  last  war 
generation  wa.< 
le;  and  to  this| 
iher  thrown  in 
1  examples  be- 
ing enough  tn 
ause,  when  the  J 
hey  may  share 


<  13 


y  shall  result  in  1 
be  prepared  for  | 
re  how  or  when  f 
pour  out  their 
3  rights  of  their 
n  or  elsewhere. 
Uleruative  may  \ 


